Management information system ip2 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Management information system ip2 - Essay Example A research conducted by Greasley et al shows that the employees are able to relate to the concept of empowerment in a different way than the supervisors. The employees believe that they are provided with the responsibility of completing a certain task and this inflates them to complete the particular task in a remarkable manner. Other than the sense of responsibility, the employees also believe that they get a ‘control of work’ which provides them to manage their tasks accordingly. In other words the employees are able to work in a manner that is beneficial to both the employer and the employee himself (Greasley et al 2008). Employee Empowerment is considered as a source of high productivity by the supervisors. The supervisors can provide the employees with work and can create a unified goal which helps in increasing the productivity at a large scale. The supervisor is able to motivate the employee and hence optimize the performance in accordance to the needs. The supervisor tends to feel safe when handing the employees work because he/she believes that the employee would be able to take the responsibility on his own. In other words the level of trust increases between the supervisor and the employee (Potterfield 1999 p.123-124; Lashley p. 62-64). The theory X of management and decision-making process revolves around an authoritative form of leadership in which the managers hold the sole authority of making decisions whereas the theory Y states that the employees have an equal say in the decision making process. Employee Empowerment is a concept that relates to the theory Y as the managers give equal options to the employees when it comes to make decisions. Theory Y states that the managers should coach the employees in such a way that they are able to make their decisions with confidence and employee empowerment automatically instills confidence in the employees (Griffin 2012 p.39). Employee Empowerment

Genocide is the deliberate killing of a large group of people, especially those of a particular ethnic group or nation. (Genocide) Essay Example for Free

Genocide is the deliberate killing of a large group of people, especially those of a particular ethnic group or nation. (Genocide) Essay Introduction In 1994 Rwanda experienced the worst genocide in modern times. The Rwandan Genocide was a genocidal mass slaughter of the Tutsis by the Hutus that took place in 1994 in the East African state of Rwanda. It is considered the most organized genocide of the 20th century. Over the course of approximately 100 days (from the assassination of Juvenal Habyarimana and Cyprien Ntaryamira on April 6 through mid-July) over 500,000 people were killed, according to a Human Rights Watch estimate. Estimates of the death toll have ranged from 500,000–1,000,000, or as much as 20% of the countrys total population. It was the culmination of longstanding ethnic competition and tensions between the minority Tutsi, who had controlled power for centuries, and the majority Hutu peoples, who had come to power in the rebellion of 1959–62. (Rwandan Genocide) History between the Hutu and Tutsi people In 1990, the Rwandan Patriotic Front, a rebel group composed mostly of Tutsi refugees, invaded northern Rwanda from Uganda in an attempt to defeat the Hutu-led government. They began the Rwandan Civil War, fought between the Hutu regime, with support from Francophone Africa and France, and the Rwandan Patriotic Front, with support from Uganda. This exacerbated ethnic tensions in the country. In response, many Hutu gravitated toward the Hutu Power(Rwandan Genocide), an ideology propounded by Hutu extremist, with the prompting of state-controlled and independent Rwandan media. As an ideology, Hutu Power asserted that the Tutsi intended to enslave the Hutu and must be resisted at all costs. Continuing ethnic strife resulted in the rebels displacing large numbers of Hutu in the north, plus periodic localized Hutu killings of Tutsi in the south. International pressure on the Hutu-led government of Juvenal Habyarimana resulted in a cease-fire in 1993. He planned to implement the Arusha Peace Agreement.(Rwandan Genocide) The assassination of Habyarimana in April 1994 set off a violent reaction, during which Hutu groups conducted mass killings of Tutsis (and also pro-peace Hutus, who were portrayed as traitors and collaborators). This genocide had been planned by members of the Hutu power group known as the  Akazu ( Hutu extremist ) , many of whom occupied positions at top levels of the national government; the genocide was supported and coordinated by the national government as well as by local military and civil officials and mass media. Alongside the military, primary responsibility for the killings themselves rests with two Hutu militias that had been organized for this purpose by political parties: the Interahamwe and Impuzamugambi, although once the genocide was underway a great number of Hutu civilians took part in the murders. It was the end of the peace agreement. The Tutsi Rwandan Patriotic Front restarted their offensive, defeating the army and seizing control of the country.(Rwandan Genocide) Overview of the Rwandan Genocide with International Response After the Hutu presidents plane is gunned down on April 6. Hutu gunmen systematically start tracking down and killing moderate Hutu politicians and Tutsi leaders. The deputy to the U.S. ambassador in Rwanda tells Washington that the killings involve not just political murders, but genocide. The U.S. decides to evacuate all Americans. Canadian General Romeo Dallaire, head of the U.N. peacekeeping force in Rwanda, is told by headquarters not to intervene and to avoid armed conflict. In the next few days, evidence mounts of massacres targeting ordinary Tutsis. Front page stories newspaper stories cite reports of tens of thousands dead and a pile of corpses six feet high outside a main hospital. Gen. Dallaire requests a doubling of his force to 5,000. Nearly 3,300 Americans, French, Italians and Belgians are evacuated by troops sent in from their countries. On April 15th Belgium withdraws its troops from the U.N. force after ten Belgian soldiers are slain. Embarrassed to be withdrawing alone, Belgium asks the U.S. to support a full pullout. Secretary of State Christopher agrees and tells Madeleine Albright, Americas U.N. ambassador, to demand complete withdrawal. She is opposed, as are some African nations. She pushes for a compromise: a dramatic cutback that would leave a token force in place. April 16th, The New York Times reports the shooting and hacking to death of some 1000 men, women and children in a church where they sought refuge. Day 12, By this date, Human Rights Watch estimates the number of dead at 100,000 and calls on the U.N. Security Council to use the word genocide.Belgian troops leave Rwanda; Gen. Dallaire is down to a force of 2,100. He will soon lose communication lines to outlying areas and will have only a satellite link to the outside world. By April 25th,Gen. Dallaire is down to 450 ill-equipped troops from developing countries. He works to protect some 25,000 Rwandans who are at places guarded by U.N. forces. He still hopes the Security Council will change its mind and send him forces while there is still time.(Ghosts of Rwanda) On May 1st a Defense Department discussion paper, prepared for a meeting of officials having day-to-day responsibility on the crisis, is filled with cautions about the U.S. becoming committed to taking action. The word genocide is a concern. Be careful. Legal at State was worried about this yesterday Genocide finding could commit [the U.S.] to actually do something.(Ghosts of Rwanda) Bureaucratic paralysis continues. Few African countries offer troops for the mission and the Pentagon and U.N. argue for two weeks over who will pay the costs of the APCs and who will pay for transporting them. It takes a full month before the U.S. begins sending the APCs to Africa. They dont arrive until July. Seven weeks into the genocide, President Clinton gives speech that restates his policy that humanitarian action anywhere in the world would have to be in Americas national interest:The end of the superpower standoff lifted the lid from a cauldron of long-simmering hatreds. Now the entire global terrain is bloody with such conflicts, from Rwanda to Georgia. Whether we get involved in any of the worlds ethnic conflicts in the end must depend on the cumulative weight of the American interests at stake.(Ghosts of Rwanda) Eleven weeks into the genocide, with still no sign of a U.N. deployment to Rwanda, the U.N. Security Council authorizes France to unilaterally intervene in southwest Rwanda. French forces create a safe area in territory controlled by the Rwanda Hutu government. But killings of Tutsis continue in the safe area.(Ghosts of Rwanda) By July 17th, Tutsi RPF forces have captured Kigali. The Hutu government flees to Zaire, followed by a tide of refugees. The French end their mission in Rwanda and are replaced by Ethiopian U.N. troops. The RPF sets up an interim government in Kigali. Although disease and more killings claim additional lives in the refugee camps, the genocide is over.(Ghosts of Rwanda) Day 100 An estimated 800,000 Rwandans have been killed. The Aftermath In anticipation of a Tutsi retaliation, approximately 2 million Hutus, participants in the genocide, and the bystanders, fled from Rwanda to Zaire (now called Congo), Burundi, Tanzania and Uganda. Thousands of them died in disease epidemics common to the squalor of refugee camps, such as cholera and dysentery. The United States staged the Operation Support Hope airlift from July to September 1994 to stabilize the situation in the camps.(Rwandan Genocide) The presence of 2 million refugees in eastern Zaire helped destabilize the already weak country, whose corrupt president, Mobutu Sese Seko, allowed Hutu extremists among the refugee population to operate with impunity. In October 1996, Mobutus continued support of the Hutu militants led to an uprising by the ethnic Tutsi Banyamulenge people in eastern Zaire (supported politically and militarily by Rwanda), which marked the beginning of the First Congo War, and led to a return of more than 600,000 Hutu refugees to Rwanda during the last two weeks of November. This massive repatriation was followed at the end of December by the return of 500,000 more from Tanzania after they were ejected by the Tanzanian government. Various successor organizations to the Hutu militants operated in eastern DR Congo until May 22, 2009.(Rwandan Genocide) Mobutu was overthrown in May 1997, and Zaires new leader, Laurent Kabila, renamed the country the Democratic Republic of Congo. Kabilas relationship with his Rwandan allies quickly turned sour, and in August 1998 Tutsi rebel forces, supported by Rwanda and Uganda, launched another rebellion. This led to the Second Congo War, killing 5 million people from 1998 to 2004. Rwanda today has two public holidays commemorating the incident, with Genocide Memorial Day on April 7 marking the start, and Liberation Day on July 4 marking the end. The week following April 7 is designated an official week of mourning. One global impact of the Rwandan Genocide is that it served as impetus to the creation of the International Criminal Court, so that ad hoc tribunals would not need to be created for future incidents of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes.(Rwandan Genocide) Works Cited 1.) Rwandan Genocide. Wikipedia. N.p., 20 Apr 2013. Web. 4 Sep 2013. . 2.) Genocide. New Oxford American Dictionary. 2008. 3.) Ghosts of Rwanda. Frontine. PBS.org: PBS, Chapel Hill, 04 Apr 2004. Web. 10 Sep 2013. . .

The Reasons for Rapid Population Growth in Nineteenth Century Britain

The Reasons for Rapid Population Growth in Nineteenth Century Britain The Reasons for Rapid Population Growth in Nineteenth Century Britain Number of people walking the face of earth has always been at constant change and the growth in population has always been a great issue of concern and attention by governments and leaders throughout time, especially if occurred in a short period of time. Reasons for rapid expansion in population can be accredited to several factors such as fertility, mortality, migration, and marriage. This natural cause sometimes beneficial and sometimes disastrous depending on the conditions and locations, could be controlled in very difficult ways. In the 19th century Britain, the rapid growth in population was one of great economic, social, political, and environmental changes that laid the basis of the society, as we know it today. Of these changes none has proved to be more significant than that of the redistribution and restructuring of Britains population. Furthermore an interpretation of the causes of demographic change in that critical period following the demise of the old pre-industrial population regime which led to the modern twentieth-century pattern in which both fertility and mortality are particularly low. After a period of unusual stagnation from 1700 to 1740, the population resumed its normal upward trend and afterwards between 1740 and 1780, the growth rate averaged 4 percent to 7 percent per decade, then accelerated to over 10 per cent per decade until 1911. The years between 1811 and 1821 had the most rapid population growth where it reached 17 per cent per decade. The second greatest growth was the decade 1871-1881, where it reached 14 per cent. However the greatest increase which was over 4 million, did not occur till 1901-1911. Subsequently the rate of increase declined dramatically and the population, having doubled between 1780 and 1840, and doubled again at the end of century, rose by only about 50 per cent in the next sixty years to come. The distribution and composition of the British population in the nineteenth century was radically altered due to increased population emigration, especially the migration to more urban areas in search of a better life. There was also a ma jor shift in paradigm in regards to social attitudes, particularly during the latter half of Queen Victorias rule over Britain. As a result, during this time a shift towards small family size or family limitation occurred because changes in prospects of marriage were becoming a noticeable trend. Also substantial advancement in healthcare helped to improve the quality of a healthier life for the people of Britain, drastically changing the chances of one living or dying prematurely. Not only did the population changed in composition, but also in distribution. Great Britains population in 1801 was an estimated eleven million, and in 1901 that number rapidly grew to 37 million, with Londons population share increasing from 9 per cent to 12 per cent. By 1901, Londons population was more than twice that of Wales and slightly more than of Scotland. Among the many epithets applied to the nineteenth century, the age of statistics would seem one of the most appropriate. The first British population census was conducted in 1801 and was subsequently repeated every ten years. While civil registration did not replace the recording of ecclesiastical events, particularly baptism and burials, it did mean that parish registers lost their position as the principal source for demographic enquiry. At mid century, agriculture was in steep relative decline, representing about 20 per cent of those employed. Manufacturing was holding steady at about 33 percent, domestic service contri buted 14 to 15 percent and the remaining 32 percent was made up from professions such as: mining, transport, building, dealing and public service. Moreover. By the end of nineteenth century, agricultures contribution to employment was no more than 10 per cent. Unlike the increase in fertility in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, the experience of the late Victorian period was dominated by the secular decline of marital fertility and perhaps a movement towards nuptiality was started. (Woods, 1987; Wilson and Woods, 1992). Furthermore, we may now assume in a way it was not open to contemporaries that marital fertility was reduced as the direct consequence of changed behaviour rather than some general decline in fecundity. Patterns of thought and action were changing rather than physiology (Teitelbaum, 1984). Likewise, it is unlikely that the phenomenon was merely a result of the invention, marketing, adoption, and effective use of new methods of birth control. The rubber condom, Dutch cap, and douche all became available during the last decades of the nineteenth century. They were however rather too expensive for the general use until the 1920s and 1930s when the results of retrospective surveys reveal a far more widespread a doption (Peel, 1963). Since it was known that marital fertility was significantly reduced, it must be assumed that some combination of sexual abstinence, coitus interruptus, accurate us of the safe period and induced abortion were the most likely means by which family limitation was brought about. None of these methods was new to Victorians, however the desire and confidence to use them were innovatory (shorter, 1973; McLaren, 1978; Sauer, 1978; Soloway, 1982). Economists have provided one of the most important theoretical contributions to the study of fertility, their focus has tended towards the costs and returns of having children, the costs and availability of contraceptive methods, inter-generational wealth flow, and the conflict between investing in children or consumer durables. Children, especially in traditional peasant societies, represent a source of labour, income and security for their parents. But in the nineteenth century Britain, the economic value of children to their parents was far less obvious and presumably far less likely to enter any accounting framework for reproductive planning. In general if parents were not attempting to maximize their fertility in order to reap financial gains for the family wage economy, they were also not attempting, until after the 1870s, to restrict their fertility in order to avoid the liability of childrearing (Haines, 1979; Crafts, 1984a, 1984b). In addition, it was also unusual at this ti me for married women to be employed outside of the home, for reasons of tradition and lack of opportunity thus childbearing and rearing did not represent an alternative to wage earning as they do today. There is a persistent line of argument in demographic theory which holds that high levels of fertility are necessary to match high levels of mortality, and therefore that when infant or childhood mortality begin to decline, marital fertility will also be reduced without adversely affecting the effective level of fertility. That is, the supply of new adults capable of reproducing (Brass and Kabir, 1980; Teitelbaum, 1984; Woods, 1987). Therefore, mortality decline not only facilitates the reduction of fertility, it also acts as a strong inducement. Setting aside for the time being any consideration of what causes mortality patterns to vary, it is still obvious that for this particular demographic mechanism to work there must be a distinct time lag between the decline of mortality and f ertility during which average family size will increase. Married couples would be impelled to limit their fertility thereby avoiding accompanying financial burdens which the survival of larger numbers of children would bring. This interpretation assumes that there is a distinct chronology to demographic change that a sophisticated adjustment mechanism is created requiring considerable foresight on the part of married couple and a degree of reproductive planning. In Britain, childhood mortality certainly did not decline at the same time as marital fertility, but infant mortality did not begin its secular decline until 1899-1900 (Woods, Watterson and Woodward, 1988). It seems likely that the reduction of infant and childhood mortality did eventually help to sustain marital fertility decline, but that mortality decline was not an initiating factor (Reves, 1985; Coale and Watkins, 1986, 201-33). The origins of the decline of marital fertility in Britain, as in much of Western Europe wit h the exception of France, are to be found particularly in last quarter of the nineteenth century. This much at least is clear from available statistics, but there are many aspects of this fundamental change in demographic structure that remains obscure. We know that until the 1870s British marital fertility was consistent with natural fertility, that was largely biologically determined with little sign of parity-specific control. Generally speaking, the births were neither deliberately spaced nor were there attempts to prevent conception or live birth once a particular number of children had already been born. A womens fertility was influenced by her physiological ability to conceive, her proneness to spontaneous abortion, and the frequency of coitus. The first mentioned declined with age, the second increase, while the last mentioned declined with the duration of marriage (Bongaarts and Potter, 1983; Wilson, 1984, 1986). During the nineteenth century, life expectation at birth in Britain improved from the mid-thirties to the upper forties and the low fifties by 1911. Of the change, most occurred in the latter part of the nineteenth century and was particularly obvious among those aged from 5 to 25. There was little or no decline either in national infant mortality levels or in mortality rates for those aged 35 plus before 1900 (Woods and Woodward, 1984, 39). However, there were important local and social variations in mortality. The local differences were closely tied to environmental conditions, but especially urban/rural differences. The lowest levels of life expectation were invariably in urban places, and especially in what would now be called the inner cities inhabited by the poorest families in the worst housing with the most inadequate sanitation. Even in 1841 when life expectation at birth was 26 in Liverpool and 37 in London, it was 45 in Surrey and probably 50 years in the most salubrious rural areas (Woods and Hinde, 1987). By 1911 the national average had increased and the urban-rural differential had narrowed substantially. Moreover, it remains a matter of speculation whether the wealthy urban middle classes or the poor agricultural labourers experienced the lower level of mortality. Mortality rate began its secular decline, as well as a rapid decline of infant mortality towards the turn of the century. General fertility rates were in decline throughout the century, but from the 1870s marital fe rtility also began its secular decline. Fertility and mortality rate have declined since the late eighteenth century but the time paths for the three countries traces vary, quite markedly. In France, fertility and mortality declined together from an early date and natural growth remained at a low level throughout the nineteenth century. In Sweden, Mortality declined before fertility in a way that has come to be regarded as normal and coincidental with the predictions of the classic demographic transition model. On the other hand, in England, the modern rise of population was initiated by the increase of fertility in the late eighteenth century and was only supported by the secular decline of mortality. These differences of form, pattern and the timing of change suggest the diversity of demographic structures in Europe in the nineteenth century, but they also illustrate aspects of a broader picture of conformity. In any consideration of the nineteenth century population history pride of place should go to mobility and migration, both internal and international. Not only did Britains population experience radical redistribution, but the age, sex, and skill selective nature of migration also changed society, economy, and environment in several very important respects. Over 90 per cent of the late nineteenth century mortality decline in England and Wales was due to conditions attributable to micro organisms, with 33 percent associated with respirator tuberculosis; 17 per cent with typhoid and typhus; 12 per cent from cholera, diarrhoea, and dysentery; 5 per cent from smallpox and 4 per cent from non-respiratory tuberculosis. It is believed, and as McKeown argued that the specific changes introduced by the sanitary reformers were responsible for about a quarter of the total decline of mortality in the second half of the nineteenth century. The remainder of the improvement, mainly associated with tuberculosis, must be attributed to the rise of living standards brought about by the industrial revolution, that is, perhaps half of the total reduction of mortality (McKeown and Record, 1962, 129). This last quarter could be attributed to changes in the character of diseases especially scarlet fever (Eyler, 1987). The argument for the attribution of the f irst quarter is relatively easy to follow, how else could the water borne diseases have declined but what of tuberculosis? The direct effects of specific therapeutic measure can be ruled out conditions of exposure to the diseases, diet, physical, and mental stresses remain. McKeown excluded the last mentioned and claimed that exposure via crowding at home and at work were not reduced before 1900. Therefore, diet remained the most likely influenced on the downward trend of tuberculosis mortality. There are four major aspects of migration and emigration that are of particular significance. First, the outer rural periphery- especially the west of Ireland and the Scottish Highlands- experienced massive emigration which caused general depopulation (Flinn, 1977; Anderson and Morse, 1990; Withers and Watson 1991). Although the Irish case is often linked to famine migration in the 1840s, the history of Irish emigration to North American and Great Britain is very complex which famine probably only exacerbated. Secondly, the countryside in general suffered net loss to the towns (Saville, 1957; Lawton, 1967). From Cornwall to Norfolk, Dorset to Anglesey and Aberdeen agricultural labourers, servants, and small tenants left and were not replaced, except by machines. In a few rural counties, such as Kent, this did not lead to absolute population decline because natural growth exceeded net out migration. Thirdly, the great industrial and commercial centres of central Scotland, the English North and Midlands, and South Wales, not only increased their citizenry but also expanded physically until they coalesced into the amorphous conurbations so well known in the twentieth century. These Victorian cities grew particularly rapidly both by net migration and natural growth, despite high mortality. Intra-urban migration also fuelled suburban expansion which eventually affected whole cities, primarily through the depopulation of their inner areas. In the cases of certain Scottish and Northern industrial towns this process was obvious even in the late nineteenth century (Lawton, 1983; Morris, 1990). Lastly, London should probably be treated as a special case since it not only maintained its British primacy but also its share of the total population. The new problems associated with managing and servicing such a massive concentration of people (nearly five million by 1901) imposed many strains, not least in terms of transport, social inequalities, which were made more obvious by their juxtaposition, and sanitation. The broad picture of European migration shows that from 1821 to 1915, 44 million people left, of which Great Britain accounted for 10 million and Ireland for 6 million. More detailed estimates suggest that between 1853 and 1900, 4,675,100 people left England and Wales for a non- European destination and 896,000 left Scotland. In both cases more than half went to the United States with a further firth to Australia (Carrier and Jeffrey, 1953; Easterlin, 1961; Baines, 1985). There is little reason to doubt that economic pressures, whether relative or absolute, played an important part in influencing the decision of many couples to limit their fertility in the late nineteenth century, but what still remains in doubt is why that pressure only took tangible effect in the last quarter of the century and why the secular decline of marital fertility occurred so rapidly that different occupations, status groups and social classes all appeared to be reducing their family sizes. All of about the same rate and time, but from rather different levels (Stevenson, 1920l Innes, 1938; Woods, 1987; Haines, 1989). Of those occupational groups that are relatively easy to identify, coalminers provide interesting illustrations of the difficulties encountered in developing purely economic explanations of fertility decline (Friedlander, 1973; Haines, 1979). Coalmining districts and families are known to have had higher fertility longer and have been among the last areas and social groups to attempt family limitation. A commonly held account argues that the income curve for coalminer peaked in the early to mid-twenties. There were few employment opportunities for women in such areas constrained a surplus of men and marriage for women was early and general. The demand for male labour was usually abundant, but the work was dangerous, accidents and injuries were common and often fatal. Therefore there was little economic incentive, as there was in the lower middle classes, to restrict fertility. But it is also likely that these rather closely knit communities perpetuated an ethos which was strongly ori ented towards mens values and womens obligations and therefore less compatible with that degree of foresight and co-operation between the sexes. Something that was necessary for successful family limitation before the development of effective intra-uterine devices and oral contraceptive. It should be stressed that the British experience of the secular decline of marital fertility was merely part of a Europe-wide movement in which Britain was later than most of France, but in step with much of Germany and Italy (Coale and Watkins, 1986; Watkins, 1991). The most important structural barriers to change appear to have been the major linguistic and cultural divisions, as well as the strength of pro-natalist religious feeling. Just as in Britain, it is not possible to say in detail how or why family limitation became a common practice, but the most plausible interpretations also stress the importance of changes in attitude and the removal of constraints on behaviour emphasised in the soci ological approach rather than the after effects of industrialization and urbanization or the prior decline of infant and child mortality. The electoral swing was Europe wide, relatively rapid, and has not been reversed. Farrs work on the demographic statistics of England and Wales have made it possible to describe in some detail the pattern of mortality variation in the nineteenth century, but we are still far from providing a full explanation of the origins of the decline of mortality during the nineteenth century. We know that medical science have had only a minor influence on the decline of mortality before the 1930s and that the cleansing of great cities was a special problem in a country like Great Britain which had a particularly high level of urbanization, but once the sanitation and public health problem had been solved then the positive effects would have been immediate and lasting. We also know that poverty brings poor diet and thus low nutritional status, and inadequate housing persisted and were then, as now, closely related to variations in mortality rates. The significance of and reasons for the decline of mortality from tuberculosis continues to be an area for enquiry, but few now fol low McKeowns lead and argue from mortality via tuberculosis to improved living standards, especially diet. Many would now regard the nineteenth century as a period on which the foundations of modern medical science were laid (Pickstone, 1985). The rapid growth which began around 1740 was sustained in the nineteenth century. Death rates, which had fallen in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, stabilised at around 22 per 1,000 between 1820 and 1870, a development chiefly attributable to the appalling living conditions in industrial towns at the time. By the 1870s the public health campaign, which had been initiated in the 1840s to provide towns with drainage and pure water supplies, began to pay off and the general death rate fell from 22.3 per thousand in 1871 to 13.8 per thousand in 1911, which is a drop of about 40 per cent. Other contributory factors were the rising living standards (more food and clean clothes) and improved urban environment (better housing, public baths, and wash houses). On the other hand, the birth rate that had remained fairly high throughout the century began to decline during the 1880s. There were several main causes that lead to this decline. Children were becoming an economic bur den rather than an asset, as the Factory Acts limited employment opportunities and the Elementary Education Act (1870) required their attendance at school. Real incomes were rising and, for the first time, people were faced with the possibility of sustained improvement in their life. Increasingly they saw a clear choice between more children and a better life, and tended to favour the latter. Also large numbers of young men were emigrating and this lowered the marriage rate in many places. Resulting a decrease in family size, from 5 to 6 children in the 1860s to 2 to 3 in the 1920s. This tendency started among the middle classes and permeated slowly downwards through the social pyramid. One important statistic changed scarcely at all, the infant mortality rate. Though fluctuating year by year from 100 to180 per thousand, it averaged about 135 per thousand in the 1890s as it had in the worst decade, the 1840s. The explanation lies in the vulnerability of infants to infectious disease s in towns. Between 1901 and 1921 the rate fell dramatically by about 50 percent. The expansion of population and the progress of industrialisation were inextricably intertwined: 1. A rising labour force was provided to facilitate the introduction of intensive agriculture, as well as to mine coal and work in factories. Infant industries were able to draw on young, mobile labour with no vested interest in obsolete skills and without having to offer high wages to lute it from other employments. 2. A growing market for the necessities of life (food, clothes, shelter, and household goods) was provided, encouraging entrepreneurs to experiment with new techniques to enable them to produce more, faster, and cheaper. This steadily expanding domestic market exerted a valuable cushioning effect whenever volatile export markets underwent a temporary recession. It must be emphasised that population growth did not, of itself, lead to industrial progress. It had this effect because it took place in the context of an economy that was already dynamic with abundant resources, a new technology of steam-power and machinery and a vigorous class of businessmen to exploit them. In Ireland this foundation was lacking, and therefore population growth simply led to mass poverty on an unprecedented scale. In conclusion, the rapid population growth in Britain in the nineteenth century was caused by several different reasons such as: fertility rate, mortality rate, healthcare, emigration, migration, occupation, and other economical aspects. Furthermore, a number of informed observers believe that this fate would overwhelm England in the nineteenth century. The most influential of these was the Reverend T.R. Malthus, whose Essay on the Principle of Population as it Affects the Future Improvement of Society was published in1798. He argued that population always tended to increase in geometrical progression whereas food supply only increased in an arithmetical progression. The former would, therefore, tend always to outrun the latter, producing wide-spread misery and eventually mass famines. Malthus did not foresee the amazing rise in the productivity of British agriculture during the nineteenth century, nor the ability of the country to import food from the virgin soils of the new World, but his gloomy predictions carried great weight with his contemporaries, and he must take a great share of the responsibility for the harshness of Victorian attitudes towards the poor. Since any easing of their condition would have encourage them to breed and multiply both the course of their poverty and the numbers who must endure, it was necessary to control them harshly for their own, and also societys benefit. Bibliography 1. Szreter, Simon. Fertility, Class, and gender in Britain, 1860-1940. Cambrdige University Press. 1996. 2. Brown, Richard. Society and Modern Britain 1700-1850. Routledge. 1991. 3. Mingay, G.E. The Transformation of Britain 1830-1939. Routhledge Kegan Paul. 1986. 4. OBrien, K. Patrick; Quinault, Roland. The Industrial Revolution and British Society. Cambridge Press. 1993. 5. Floud, Roderick; McCloskey, Donald. The Economics History of Britain since 1700. University of Cambridge. 1994. 6. Flinn, M.W. British Population Growth 1700-1850. London. 1970. 7. Flinn M.W. Scottish Population History: From the Seventeenth Century to the 1930s. Cambridge. 1977. 8. Malthus, T.R. An Essay on the Principle of Population. Cambridge. 1989. 9. Farr, W. Vital Statistics. London. 1885. 10. Anderson, M; Morse, D. People and Society in Scotland Volume II, 1830-1914. Edinburgh. 1990. 11. Bongaarts, J.; Potter, R.J. Fertility, Biology and Behaviour: An Analysis of the Proximate Determinants. New York. 1983. 12. Brass, W.; Kabir, M. Regional Demographic Development. London. 1980. 13. Innes, J.W. Class Fertility Trends in England and Wales, 1876- 1934. Princeton. 1938. 14. McLaren, A. Birth Control in Nineteenth-Century England. London. 1978. 15. Peel, J. The Manufacture and Retailing of Contraceptive in England. Cambridge. 1963 16. Soloway, R.A. Birth Control and the Population Question in England, 1877-1930. Chapter Hill. 1982. 17. Teitelbaum, M.S. The British Fertility Decline: Demographic Transition in the Crucible of the Industrial Revolution. Princeton. 1984. 18. Woods, R.I. Approach to the Fertility Transition in Victorian England. 1987. 19. McKeown, T. Reasons for Decline in Mortality in England and Wales During the Nineteenth Century. 1962. 20. Pickstone, J.V. Medicine and Industrial Society: a History of Development in Manchester and its Region, 1752-1946. Manchester. 1985. 21. Reves, R. Declining Fertility in England and Wales as a Major Cause of the Twentieth Century Decline in Mortality: The Role of Changing Family Size and Age Structure in Infectious disease Mortality Infancy. American Journal of Epidemiology. 1985. 22. Woods, R.I.; Woodward, J.H. Urban Disease and Mortality in Nineteenth Century England. London. 1984. 23. Woods, R.I.; Hinde, P.R.A. Mortality in Victorian England: Models and Pattern`s. Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 1987. 24. Coale, A.J.; Watkins, S.C. The Decline of Fertility in Europe. Princeton. 1986. 25. Woods, R.I.; Watterson, P.A.; Woodward, J.H. The Causes of Rapid Infant Mortality Decline in England and Wales. 1989. 26. Easterlin, R.A. Influences on European Overseas Emigration Before World War I. 1961 27. Lawton, R. Rural Depopulation in Nineteenth Century England. London. 1967. 28. Baines, D. Migration in a Mature Economy: Emigration and Internal Migration in England and Wales, 1861-1900. Cambridge. 1985. 29. Farr, W. English Life Tables. Tables of Lifetimes, Annuities, and Premiums. London. 1864. 30. Saville, J. Rural Depopulation in England and Wales, 1851-1951. London. 1957. 31. Withers, C.W.J.; Watson, A.J. Stepwise Migration and Highland Migration to Glasgow. Journal of Historical Geography. 1991. 32. Wilson, C. Natural Fertility in Pre-industrial England. 1984 33. Wilson, C. 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Aurora- Light of Mystery Essay -- Papers

Aurora- Light of Mystery Text Box: This shuttle image shows the characteristic oval shape of the aurora.i What is aurora? Auroras, or polar lights, are the luminous phenomenon of the upper atmosphere occurs in high latitudes of both hemispheres. Auroras in the northern hemisphere are called aurora borealis and those in the south hemisphere are called aurora australis. Aurora (Latin for 'dawn') is beautiful and amazing lights which are visible in the dark sky in the poles. It can appear as many different forms, but usually it is a greenish quivering glow near the horizon. In 1621 the term 'aurora' was coined by the French astronomer. More and more observations were done and a concrete description was archived soon afterwards. Many theories were developed this phenomenon. Some suggested that it was the reflection of sunlight of artic light and some believed it was the firelight at the edge of the world; however both hypotheses are rejected because it was found that aurora was found 100-400km above the earth surface which is well beyond the atmosphere. Around the 17th century it has been discovered that it is caused by the interaction between energetic plasma particles from outside atmosphere with atoms of higher atmosphere. Till now, not all the questions about aurora have been answered, but with the escalating astronautic technology, we have a much better understanding on this puzzling phenomenon. How does aurora form? At every moment the sun is giving out charged particles in solar wind. Some of these particles are captured by the earth magnetic field and the bombardment of the solar wind with the atmospheric particles... ...aurora_e/index.html The Exploration of the Earth's Magnetosphere. http://www-istp.gsfc.nasa.gov/Education/wmap.html Learning about Aurora. http://sprg.ssl.berkeley.edu/~cyclopi/lesson1.html Applied physics laboratory site. http://www.jhuapl.edu/newscenter/pressreleases/1998/auroras.htm NASA website. http://www-istp.gsfc.nasa.gov/ Web Exhibits site. http://webexhibits.org/ Britannica Online. http://www.britannica.com/ Hyperphysics. http://hyperphysics.phy-astr.gsu.edu/hbase/hph.html Evaluation on resource: My source information comes from books, journals and internet. The information about most topics is quite consistent except the formation of voltage drop in the aurora acceleration region. There are many theories explaining the phenomenon, but I only concentrated on the two main ones.

Ethno Tourism Benefits Both Visitors

Tourism industry has witnessed a fast development in the recent decades. As a new type of tourism, ethno tourism combines sightseeing and seeking the cultural experience of the tribal communities of the tourist destinations (Cooper, 2005). Since ethno tourism greatly stimulated the economic development of the local communities, people think that ethno tourism benefits both the visitors and the local communities of the destinations. On the one hand, ethno tourism enhanced the cultural communication between different ethnic groups.However, it is also worthwhile to note the possible dangers to the environment might be caused by the over-development of ethno tourism (McLaren, 2001). There are many other negative influences upon the local communities in the same time. These may include the pollution to the natural environment, the eroding of the local culture and the risk of infectious diseases. As a result, I maintain both the positive and negative influences of ethno-tourism have to be clarified so as to keep a balance between tourism development and the protection of the local communities.This essay, based on the analysis of the various influences of ethno tourism in both the industrial development and the change of people’s attitude, examine the benefits of ethno tourism to both the visitors and the local communities of the tourist destinations. In the meanwhile, I also intend to analyze the potential harms brought about by ethno tourism in the local communities. The development of ethno tourism mainly focuses on four major long-term positive influences within the local communities.These effects include the improvement of the local economy, the communication of different cultural groups, remarkable influence upon the society of the tribal communities and the advance of the local life conditions. With regard to economics, the benefit to the locals is considered to be the major drive force that stimulates the development of ethno tourism. Ethno touristsâ₠¬â„¢ objective in visiting a local place is to seek the experience when enjoying the various types of cultural traditions which are exposed to the whole world and the influence is amplified to the outside (Mitchell, 2009).This might become an important premise to attract more travellers to the local tribes. As time going on, the local people gradually begin to benefit from the ethno tourism industry. More travellers bring more economic resources that are urgently needed for the local development (Kaplan, 2009a). In addition, ethno tourism attract outside economic resources, which are important for the development of the local economy (Vidal, 2009). The investors come to the tribal communities like a model as teaching them how to operate a business and how to use the resources efficiently.Therefore, these local communities may be able to manage their economy independently in the future. However, the more short-term investments follow by the more ethno tourisms will cause risks too. O ver-development of ethno tourism may cause serious pollution to the local environment (McLaren, D. 2001). More visitors in the meantime may imply the pollution to the air, the water and the soil of the local environment, which used to be clean and tranquil. What is more, cultural communications are obviously resulting from the different cultural backgrounds between the tourists and indigenes.As the development of ethno tourism, these local cultures began to be known by the outside people (Mitchell, 2009). Gradually, the local culture of the tourist destinations might become influential in the country or even in the whole world (Buckley, 2000). Taking China for example, some of the products in the mountainous areas were not well known by the outside world. However, when more and more travellers coming to these areas, the products made by them that conveying the special colours of the local culture have been accepted by the outside people.The bamboo ware in South-east China, for insta nce, can be seen as one typical example. Originally, these bamboo wares were only made for family use of the local people in these areas, however, when more and more tourists coming to the local place, they find these bamboo wares are not only useful in life but are also nicely made. And some of them can even be seen as artistic products that conveying the special culture of the locals. In this way, these bamboo wares are exported to the outside world and gradually become popular (Guo, 2001).This is a combinative example which are contained the influence of local economy and the culture spreading of the tourist destinations. In the old times when transportation and communication were not as advanced as today, it is difficult for the outside people to know some remote tribal communities. So the excellent craftsmanship of the tribes could not be appreciated by the outside people. But it would not be restrict anymore due to the prosperous development of ethno tourism.Most of the time, foreigners and tribal people have even interacted respectively through the visit of ethno tourism. Visitors are interested in promoting their special ways of daily lives and thus made the local people understood by the outside world. Apart from what the local people learn about the foreign guests, their communications also help the outside world understand the specialty of the local traditions in a number of ways. In addition, with much more understanding of the locals, people from the outside world might be more tolerant to accept the local culture.Cultural exchange and communication between different travellers and tribes are consequently enhanced by ethno tourism. Although visitors broaden their mind because of a better cultural communication as well as indigenes, the local culture of the tourist destinations might be seriously eroded in the long-term since the culture coming from the outside world (Wilkerson, et al. , 2003). For example, in some of the South-Western provinces of China, there is a trend of losing some precious local cultures due to the acceptance of the outside culture.Youngsters are no longer willing to live in the local place and they gradually protest against the traditional way of life because they contend that it is unfashionable to obey the tradition which has been passing down to them by generations. Consequently, the valuable indigenous culture may be extinct. The influence of the society resulted in ethno tourism to the local communities is also as remarkable as culture. The reason can be understood as similar to that of the economic development stimulated by ethno tourism in the destinations.The mechanism can be understood as a chain reaction, which is a series of changes brought about by the ethno tourism (Cooper, 2005). The first process of this change is the opening of the tourism resources to the outside world. The second stage is to attract as many tourists as possible to contribute to the local economic development. In the f inal step, a whole system of the local industry based on the ethno tourism can be set up. In this way, there would be a profound change of the local society (Wurzburger, 2009).Nevertheless, this change is not owing to the destruction of the natural and cultural resources of the destinations. On the contrary, ethno tourism encourages the preservation of the sustained ability of the local communities to attract ethno tourisms as many as possible. Again, the development of ethno tourism is conducted according to the preservation of the local tourism resources (Wilkerson, et al. , 2003). Accordingly, the special culture of the tourist destinations is expected to be well preserved rather than be destroyed.At the same time, the local government aims the local communities by issuing political support of preserving the natural and cultural resources of ethno tourism. For this reason, the sustained ability of the tourism travelling in the local communities can guarantee that the local commun ities constantly attain advantages. With the accumulation of wealth since the development of ethno tourism, the local tribes are needed to build the infrastructures as soon as possible what are essential to improve the life conditions of the indigenous communities.Tourism can be a useful source of income (Vidal, 2009). For instance, with the money they earned, the indigenous communities can build up roads, hospitals or other basic facilities for the locals. In my view, health service is the most important part of the local tribes' improved living conditions and it is exactly built up by the income of the tourism industry. In other word, it can be said that it is based on the economic development stimulated by the ethno tourism so that the public health facilities can be improved.Also, ethno tourism, aiming at preserving the local natural environment, does not bring about any significant negative influence on the local ecosystem (Wurzburger, 2009). This is very important to preserve the health conditions of the local communities because ethno tourism stands against environmental destruction and industrial pollution (Buckley, 2000). Hence, the profits made from ethno tourism, needless to say, are played a major role in the local healthy industry.Despite the tribal citizens will gain some benefits for their living standards because of the progress of the infrastructures, the health of the locals might also be negatively influenced by the development of ethno tourism. According to the research result of some investigations, in some tourist destinations, about 30-50% of the locals die from diseases introduced from the outside world by the travellers (Kaplan, 2009b). The foreigners may bring new diseases to the tourist destinations and the indigenes may die of lacking in immunity.To sum up, as a new concept of the tourism industry, ethno tourism mainly benefits the local communities as well as the travellers whilst it has been paid numerous attentions to in the past few years, such as protecting environment and learning to manage business. Especially, with the advocating of environmental preservation and natural protection, ethno tourism has been considered to be one of the major trends of the development of world tourism. However, people should keep an eye on that the over-development of ethno tourism which might be a long-term dangerous roblem to the ruin of some aspects of the tribes people’s life while the destruction of the natural environment is the most serious issue. How to keep a balance between protecting the cultural environment of the local communities and the development of the local society and economy in particular is an urgent task of both the local indigenes and the foreign visitors. Otherwise, no one can acquire any advantage from ethno tourism because the destroying ethnic environment is unable to attract tourist and no more bring any profits then.

Consumption Patterns Paper

Consumption Patterns Paper Global meat consumption and trade patterns (Gale Group 2204) have changed drastically over the last 20 years. Most of these changes have been the result of changes in lifestyles, incomes and health concerns. The world wide meat consumption has been changing dramatically, with better production and stricter government regulations, resulting in a safer quality of meat, leading the way to this change.Poultry consumption is the fastest growing meat product, with the public putting a greater emphasis on health and the poultry farmers increasing production through better feed efficiency and faster production time, compared to other grain fed animals. Even with this increase in poultry, pork is still the leader with 41% of global meat production, followed by beef at 31%. (US Dept of Agriculture)On a per capita basis, the United States is the largest consumer of meat, at 118 kg, followed by Hungary, at 96 kg, and Australia, at 106 kg.Nederlands: Plateau van zeevruchtenBeef has been the tradi tional source of meat for the US consumer; however from 1975 to 1991 this consumption has dropped by more than 6%. This decline can and has been directly related to the increase in poultry production and consumption.The article is showing that overall the demand for meat is on the rise. These increases have been for more healthy choices, such as poultry and pork. The changes in demand have been the result of increases in production through better feed efficiency and faster production of the poultry segment. The higher standards of living that have occurred world wide have increased the availability of meat to a greater number of people and countries. Stricter government regulations and better enforcement of these regulations on the meat producers have played a significant role in this increase in world wide sales of meat products.The trade of meat...